Hist 1308 and 104 Week 9_04

The Great Depression and the New Deal

 

Weaknesses of the 20s Economy

The economic model was increased efficiency, increased production, increased consumption, and increased profit, but speculation took money out of investment and the distribution of wealth was out of balance.

 

Increased Production and Profit

Output  1922-1928

                         Industrial Index  +70%

                         Output per man-hour  +75%

                         Corporate profits +62%

                         Dividends  +65%

                         Real Wages  +22%

                         Work Week  -4%

 

Imbalanced Distribution:

Illusion of “New” Mass Market:  In 1929, 80% of all families (21 million households) had no savings. The top one tenth ( .1%) of one percent held 34% of all savings.  The 2.3% of Americans earning over $10,000 controlled 2/3 of America’s savings.  Stocks: the top one half of one percent owned 32.4% of all the net wealth of individuals.

                            Source: R. McElvaine, The Great Depression (New York, 1984), 38-9.

Between 1919 and 1929, the share of income received by the wealthiest one percent of Americans rose from 12 percent to 19 percent, while the share received by the richest five percent jumped from 24 percent to 34 percent. Over the same period, the poorest 93 percent of the non-farm population actually saw its disposable income fall.

“The capitalist genius for production was on a collision course with the capitalist limits on consumption.”   One net effect is a contradiction to the economic model of balancing production and consumption. 

For many groups of Americans, the prosperity of the 1920s was a cruel illusion. Even during the most prosperous years of the Roaring Twenties, most families lived below what contemporaries defined as the poverty line. In 1929, economists considered $2,500 the income necessary to support a family. In that year, more than 60 percent of the nation's families earned less than $2,000 a year, the income necessary for basic necessities, and over 40 percent earned less than $1,500 annually. Although labor productivity soared during the 1920s because of electrification and more efficient management, wages stagnated or fell in mining, transportation, and manufacturing. Hourly wages in coal mines sagged from 84.5 cents in 1923 to just 62.5 cents in 1929.

Prosperity bypassed specific groups of Americans entirely. A 1928 report on the condition of Native Americans found that half owned less than $500 and that 71 percent lived on less than $200 a year. Mexican Americans, too, had failed to share in the prosperity. During each year of the 1920s, 25,000 Mexicans migrated to the United States. Most lived in conditions of extreme poverty. In Los Angeles, the infant mortality rate was five times that for Anglos and most homes lacked toilets. A survey found that a substantial minority of Mexican Americans had virtually no meat, fresh vegetables in their diet; 40 percent said that they could not afford to give their children milk.

The farm sector had been mired in depression since 1921. Farm prices had been depressed ever since the end of World War I, when European agriculture revived and grain from Argentina and Australia entered the world market. Strapped with long-term debts, high taxes and a sharp drop in crop prices, farmers lost ground throughout the 1920s. In 1910, a farmer's income was 40 percent of a city worker's. By 1930, it had sagged to just 30 percent. A bushel of wheat that sold for $2.94 in 1920 dropped to $1 in 1929 and 30 cents in 1932.

 

The Crash of the American Economy

 

The Stock market indexes peaked in September 1929, and they fell precipitously on October 29, 1929.  In a sixty day period, the market fell 39%, a loss of $26 billion.  The market had grown rapidly in the 20s, based on growth in productivity and the economy, but by 1928 the market had become a speculative bubble in which investors paid unrealistic prices by using margin accounts (buying on credit).  When prices started to fall, margin buyers had to produce more collateral or sell.  The selling became a panic, and values plunged.  The “Crash of ‘29” was a harbinger but not the cause of the depression. 

 

Even before the onset of the Depression, business investment had begun to decline. Residential construction boomed between 1924 and 1927, but in 1929 housing starts fell to less than half the 1924 level. A major reason for the depressed housing market was the 1924 immigration law that had restricted foreign immigration. Soaring inventories also led businesses to reduce investment and production. During the mid-1920s, manufacturers expanded their productive capacity and built up excessive inventories. At the decade's end, they cut back sharply, directing their surplus funds into stock market speculation.

Once the spiral began, there was little to stop it.

30s crash stats link

      

A  few of the indictments of the Hoover administration: Hoovervilles—cities of tens of thousands living in cardboard shacks; the Smoot-Hawley tariff didn’t protect American trade, it strangled it, the Revenue Act of 1932 attempted to balance the budget on the backs of the unemployed; Hoover adamantly resisted direct federal aid, insisting that aid must depend on volunteerism and local services… Hoover’s reputation has been tarred by his Secretary of the Treasury, Andrew Mellon who remarked, “a panic was not altogether a bad thing…It will purge the rottenness out of the system…People will work harder, live more moral lives.”  But Hoover was not evil; like everyone else at the time, he did not comprehend all the forces at work. Shanty towns sprung up all across America, populated by unemployed, evicted, helpless American families. These were know derisively as "Hoovervilles." Broke. Discouraged.

 

The Dust Bowl, begun with the onset of a cycle of drought back in 1930, (Dust Storm) displaced tens of thousands who wandered the rails, and packed up their families in old cars to head for the coast. But these Dustbowlers, like most Americans, weren’t out to foment revolution, they were looking for work, looking just to make a decent wage, not to turn the world upside down.    Storm slide2   slide3   The newspapers reported the onslaught of dust storms that swept across mid-America.

 

“Some 150,000 to 200,000 acres of our cultivated land and a large portion of our grass land is literally blowing away for the reason that for the past two years no vegetation has grown. Fields are bare and pastures are without grass to hold the soil. Our roads are blocked. Trucks from consolidated schools have been unable to take the children to their schools.”  —F. E. Herring to Elmer Thomas, on conditions in Roger Mills County, Oklahoma, April 7, 1937.

Neighbors of foreclosed farmers refused to bid on farms at auction, neighbors moving evicted tenants' furniture back in. 

 

1932-40

They don’t call it “depression  for nothing—many oral testimonies, social workers, and coroners records testify to the frequency of suicides. The point here is that belief in the promise of opportunity in America was so strong that rather than blame the system, many felt their failure to get a job must be a personal or moral fault.

 

By 1933, conditions had deteriorated dramatically: from 1929 to 1933, the GNP fell 29%, prices fell 23%, construction was down 78%, and investment fell an astounding 98%.  The GNP did not recover to 1929 levels until 1937, and it turned down again in 1938-39. Fifteen million Americans lost jobs.  U.S. Steel’s employment roles went from 229,000 in 1929 to zero in the spring of 1933.   In Chicago, manufacturing employment fell by over 50 percent from 1927 to 1933.  The combination of severe drought and falling commodities prices devastated the agricultural sector as well.  While banks foreclosed on 1,000,000 farms between 1930 and 1934, farmers joined in farm strikes with Milo Reno and the Farmers Holiday Association to protest their untenable economic condition.  Urban home owners also endured foreclosures, at a rate of 1,000 per day in 1933. In March of 1933, thirty four states had closed their banks in the face of insolvency;  Lizabeth Cohen reports “163 of the 199 Chicago banks located outside the Loop had closed their doors.”

 

The Human Toll and Frustration

 

Many took their layoff as a personal failure.  Chicago’s Studs Terkel remembered that “millions experienced a private kind of shame when the pink slip came. No matter that others suffered the same fate, the inner voice whispered, ‘I’m a failure.’”  Another man remembered,  There’s something about the anniversary of your layoff that makes you feel more hopeless.”  People were on the street selling apples and eating in souplines.

 

A man named Ed Paulsen spoke of 1931 SF, when a thousand men would line up in the morning at the Sprekels Sugar Refinery for work, and they would call for four; he says, “A thousand men would fight like a pack of Alaskan dogs…but only four of us would get through…So you’d drift up to Skid Row.  There’s be thousands of guys there…

 

More and more men were after fewer and fewer jobs.  So San Francisco just ground to a halt.  Nothing was moving.”   But people were moving as tens of thousands took to the rails in search of the vanishing promise of America.  They were looking for work, not revolution…

 

The frustration of not finding work  sometimes expressed itself in angry action:  March 7, 1932, some 3000 Detroit jobless marched to the River Rouge Ford plant, but when the Dearborn police attempted to stop their march, snowballs and rocks were  answered with tear gas, fire hoses, and machine guns—the toll was five dead, at least fifty injured. 

 

The Bonus Army:  Also in 1932, The Bonus Expeditionary Force marched on Washington. Begun in Portland, The Idea was for Veterans to get the bonus promised for 1945, before they starve to death….

 

From all over the country veterans hopped the trains…many with their women and children…for many there was no longer any home at which to leave them.

 

At Anacostia Flats, they were 20,000 strong; they camped in military order during June and July with their families, there was even a baby born, while vets gathered and Congress debated and finally refused to pass the Bonus Bill. But still many stayed on despite pressure from the police, many really had nowhere to go…

 

On July 28, Secretary of War, Patrick Hurley ordered Army Chief of Staff Douglas MacArthur to clear out the veterans.  Assisted by young Major Dwight D. Eisenhower and another young officer named George Patton, cavalry troops with drawn sabres, tanks, and infantry with fixed bayonets and tear gas dispersed the veterans and burned the ramshackle camp.  Bernard Myers was the “bonus baby” born a month earlier: he died in a Washington hospital from tear gas inhalation. Douglas MacArthur was reputed to have said, “I have released in my day more than one community held in the grip of a foreign enemy.”  So American veterans were for the moment considered a ‘foreign enemy.’

 

Federal troops who had once defended the railroads against angry workers were in 1932 employed against America’s own veterans.  Jim Sheridan was one of the veterans of the Bonus Army at Anacostia; he recalled that the soldiers who threw the tear gas did so reluctantly. He said: “They were younger than the marchers. It was like sons attacking fathers.” But MacArthur insisted the Bonus Army was “beyond the shadow of a doubt” ready to seize control of the government.  The official rationales that there was danger of communist inspired revolution rang hollow……

 

New Deal historian Robert McElvaine characterizes the mood of 1932 as “rebellious” –across America tensions were evident.   In NY delivery trucks were hijacked; in Detroit shop windows broken out; in Arkansas hungry residents forced the Red Cross to distribute food at gun point.

 

Dependent on local relief efforts, in 1932 only ¼ of America’s unemployed were receiving help. By 1932, only 1/4 of unemployed families received any relief. In 1932, only 1.5 percent of all government funds were spent on relief and averaged about $1.67 per citizen. Cities, which had to bear the brunt of the relief efforts, teetered on the edge of bankruptcy. By 1932, Cook County (Chicago) was firing firemen, police, and teachers (who had not been paid in 8 months). Breadlines and Hoovervilles (homeless encampments) appeared across the nation.

Those hurt the most were more stunned than angry. Many sank into despair and shame after they could not find jobs. The suicide rates increased from 14 to 17 per 100,000.

Wisconsin relief. Help came more often at people’s back doors.  Kitty McCulloch remembers beggars at her back door; she says “I wouldn’t give them money because I didn’t have it.  But I did take them in and put them in my kitchen and give them something to eat.”  This happened all across America. 

 

And so, in 1932, the question that troubled Americans was simple: “Why is mankind asked to go hungry and cold and poverty stricken in the midst of plenty?”  And Hoover had no bold vision to offer…

During the Civil War how references to America changed from “these” United States to “The” United States; in the 1930s, we find another phrase come into our everyday speech--when we say “the” government,  we all know what it means.  This new sense of “the” government represents a whole range of expectations of what government should and should not do, a notion of government that did not exist in the same way before the 1930s.  I will argue that this emergence of what we might call a modern notion of government derived not only from the charismatic leadership of FDR, but from the concerted actions of the American people—as they sought to renegotiate social and economic relationships in every spectrum.  The key players in this reorganization included national political and business leaders, industrialists, and financiers to be sure.  But it was shaped as well by the local decisions and actions of millions of working people, young and old, black and white, male and female.  It was shaped by the millions who tilled the soil and did the work of producing America’s goods, as well as those intellectuals and politicians, demagogues and activists, of the left, right, and center, coming from every region of America.

 

The NEW DEAL 

 

Roosevelt won the 1932 election by a landslide, and he immediately assembled a group of young advisers known as “the brain trust.”(Ben Cohen and Tommy Corcoran),   They debated how to reverse the contraction.

 

The main economic theories that were discussed.

1. Supply-side: prop up business and jobs and spending will recover---we know it as the trickle-down theory…

2. Demand-side: public spending to stimulate buying power, which will increase demand, and people will be called back to work, prices will rise…

3. Business-Government cooperation—voluntary industry regulation much like Hoover’s model.

4. Conservatives—hold the line on deficits to inspire recovery, i.e. the market will right itself—and be stronger in the long run, But as Harry Hopkins sneered, “we don’t eat in the long run”

5. State planning—the apparent successes of the Soviet model presented an enticing socialist alternative to the disarray of American laissez faire capitalism.

FDR ascribed to no one ideology. he declared himself "A Christian and a Democrat." When it came to government initiative, he said, "Take a method and try it," he said, "if it fails admit it frankly and try another. But above all try something."  ACTION!

In confronting the depression, the Roosevelt administration enacted a wide range of economic remedies which fall into three basic categories: relief, recovery, and reform. 

 

Examples of emergency relief measures include the Emergency Banking Act, Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) (put two million people to work), the Farm Credit Act, the Civil Works Administration (CWA), and the Agricultural Adjustment Administration’s (AAA) emergency crop reductions in 1933. 

 

Key measures aimed at promoting economic recovery were the National Industrial Recovery Act and its agency, the National Recovery Administration (NRA) the blue eagle. The idea behind the NRA was simple: representatives of business, labor, and government would establish codes of fair practices which would set prices, production levels, minimum wages, and maximum hours within each industry. The NRA also supported workers' right to join labor unions. By ending ruinous competition, overproduction, labor conflicts, and deflating prices, the NRA sought to stabilize the economy. Squabbling between competing interests undermined the effectiveness; critics called the NRA the "national run-around."

 

Also to spur recovery, the Public Works Administration (PWA), the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) saved tens of thousands of homes and a fair number of banks,  long term programs of the AAA to raise prices by paying farmers to reduce crop and livestock output, and the Works Progress Administration (WPA), which employed as many as one third of the unemployed. One of the first policy initiatives was to devalue the dollar.

 

Thirdly, measures with a substantive reform component include the Social Security Act (SSA), the Wagner Act and its National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) built dams and electric plants, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the Rural Electrification Administration (REA), and the Banking Act 1935. 

 

Labor Responds

Despite the flurry of activity, the results of the First 100 Days were only partial, or stop gap, and people continued to struggle for answers to their poverty and unemployment..

In 1933, union membership was at a low ebb, under 3 million, but by 1940 membership soared to over 10 million.  How did it happen? 

 

The key point is that  WORKERS had no benefits when private corporate welfare collapsed, they  BEGAN TO ORGANIZE THEMSELVES.  Remember that the AFL and other craft based organizations had not offered membership or representation for masses of industrial workers.   John L. Lewis and Sidney Hillman, with the help of  C.P. organizers, the John Reed Clubs, began to talk of full inclusion of all skills, gender, race…         Responding to workers in industries that had never had any representation, the CIO offered a vision of inclusive industrial unionism that harkened back to the visions of Big Bill Haywood and Terence Powderly—and it took off…

Women were actively organized and proactive in unionizing under the auspices of the CIO.

An African American worker at a packing house wrote about the impact of the CIO. 

 

 

Alternate Visions from below (and left)

 

Louisiana’s Huey Long advocated a very popular “Share our Wealth” plan—“if we didn’t have the rich, we wouldn’t have the poor”   This kind of refrain frightened America’s elite.

 

Father Coughlin, attracted millions of listeners to his radio show in which he blasted an international conspiracy of bankers and soon became a venomously anti-semitic right winger.

 

The Townsend Plan (Dr. Francis Townsend) proposed guaranteed pensions.

 

End Poverty In California (EPIC)—Upton Sinclair’s  socialist platform just missed in 1934 gubernatorial campaign in CA

 

The Socialist led Southern Tenant Farmers Union spoke for those left out of AAA programs, with 50% black membership.

 

In CA’s Imperial Valley, CP organizers challenged growers and canneries.

 

African Americans conducted a National Negro Congress that included an address from Eleanor Roosevelt; The NAACP came of age as a political organizer;  A. Philip Randolph guided the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters into national prominence; African Americans made an impact beyond their numbers…

 

Milo Reno and the Farmers Holiday—dumping produce in protest

 

Strikes: SF’s 1934 General Strike to Milwaukee’s streetcar workers, to Philadelphia cabbies, to Salinas farm workers to N.E.’s Textiles; A Big One right here in Minneapolis—in May 1934 a truck drivers strike that had paralyzed the city erupted in a pitched battle in which 67 were shot by police—but the teamsters held on and won the right to unionize….MPLS1 MPLS2 MPLS3 MPLS4 MPLS5

 

Women

The women’s movement was not especially vocal during the darkest years.  Ironically because of sexist stereotypes in hiring, women’s occupations were concentrated in clerical and social work, which did not contract nearly as much as male-dominated industrial jobs.  However, many women fared badly, as unemployed husbands prompted ever more women into the labor market.  Women found they got less than 10% of  CWA jobs, partly because they were mostly construction, even worse, the CCC employed only 8,000 women out of 2.5 million jobs; even the oft-praised WPA relegated women to production in sewing rooms in lieu of any meaningful training. Women worked anywhere they could, including the fields.

 

 

Midstream

Conservative pressure: the Supreme Court rules the NIRA unconstitutional

 

But even though 1/3 of the nation was mired in poverty, the unemployed like “ghosts that walk the streets”, popular Support remained strong for FDR:  One North Carolina hill country woman: “I know he means to do everything he can for us, but they make it hard for him…”    Carolina mill workers placed  pictures of the president over their mantels.    Thousand wrote personal letters to FDR and Eleanor.

 

 

The 2nd New Deal (1934-5): The popularity of radical calls like Share the Wealth, EPIC, and the Townsend plan prompted conservatives to give FDR more room to innovate, in order to quell what many felt was a clear and present danger to American society.   And just as clearly, FDR felt the ground rumbling in America.   Public pressures clearly influenced the shaping of the 2nd New Deal, pushing policy makers towards the new gospel of Keynesian Economics—that is the concept that temporary deficit spending by the government can effectively stimulate enough activity, spending and production, to redirect the trajectory of an economic depression back into a growth mode…Some of the most important 2nd New Deal measures included

 

Wagner Act: NLRB—like a section 7a with teeth—it provided oversight for union elections and no blackballing. This measure was intended to boost workers leverage to acquire fair wages and that in turn would stimulate purchasing power to boost the recovery.

 

Social Security is one of the most fundamental legacies.  Note that this was not a pension, it was intended to be a safety net to provide unemployment insurance and retirement annuities, AFDC, Widow’s Benefits. --good concept, but limited—left out some of the most vulnerable workers like domestics and farm workers—predominantly women and minorities.   The best of it was to provide something for laborers.  The worst of it was that in economic terms it was a regressive tax (lowest income pay the same rate as the highest paid, ergo a greater proportion)

 

The primary Keynesian program to stimulate the economy was the Harry Hopkins’ administered  WPA—a small-town Iowan, once called “profoundly shrewd and faintly ominous”, Hopkins took to dispensing funds like a tornado—in his first two hours on the job he dispensed $5 million, and over the next months, according to Bill Leuchtenberg, “he spent money like a Medici prince.”   Beneficiaries included everybody from artists to actors, a big improvement for Blacks over the First New Deal programs—Sitkoff calls it a “Godsend  It employed some 8 million in everything from construction to theaters, including many writers like Richard WrightYou may know his book Native Son—and artists like young William De Kooning and muralist Diego Rivera.

 

REA—power to the people (plug it in…)  rural electrification brought millions of farm families into the consumer economy. Only one in eleven farms had electricity by 1935. Between 1935 and 1942 the lights came on for 35 percent of America's farm families.

 

Roosevelt’s 2nd Term: With the sense of crisis calmed down, political conservatives created a Political Logjam in the tide of the New Deal

 

But workers were organizing at full speed—on Christmas Eve 1936 workers began a sitdown strike at Flint.  Forty-four days later, after several confrontations, GM capitulated and agreed to recognize the UAW-CIO.  Other major successes followed at U.S. Steel, GE, RCA, but at Republic Steel, Chicago, a confrontation left ten dead, and Ford resisted right up until 1941. Flint1 Flint2 Every gain was hard fought.

 

The Right:  I don’t think its mere coincidence that just as the CIO achieves significant successes that Martin Dies, D-Texas, organized the House Un-American Activities Committee, who then targeted investigations on unions, newspapers, and even Shirley Temple….

 

The Right tightened the reins on economic experimentation. FDR conceded to Powerful political pressure to return to a balanced budget, which immediately resulted in a startlingly precipitous downturn…

 

Nobody, not FDR, nor his Brain Trusters, knew how much Government spending would be enough to turn the economy around, and they worried how much spending was too much—the dilemma was simply that the demand-side Keynsianism conception of priming the pump with tax money contradicted traditional American beliefs that less government was better government, that business and personal freedoms are endangered by government interference…

 

            Despite all the innovation of the New Deal, unemployment persisted at 17 percent into 1939, a figure that represents some 9.5 million Americans.  The Great Depression outlasted the decade.  Although the air of crisis of 1933 generally diminished through the latter half of the decade, one must take care not to lose sight of the persistence of human suffering amidst a barrage of statistical evidence. For example, the average weekly earnings of manufacturing workers who managed to hold their jobs during the decade of the 1930s never regained the levels of 1920.  

 

Conclusions

 

SUCCESS or FAILURE?

The New Deal programs lessened the scope of the Depression and alleviated a lot of suffering, but America did not achieve a return to prosperity during peacetime: as late as 1941, 6 million were still out of work.  There were still no clear answers to the economic questions—While demand-side Keynsianism seemed to generate some results, no one knew just how much federal spending was required to really end the Depression.    The war provided the answer to the question of how much—and it was a magnitude that only the necessities of war could bring about—it was a previously inconceivable scale of government activity…

 

Historical Perspectives:

 

FDR’s Historical Reputation

 

Schlesinger’s Liberal Hero,   New Left’s Villain—FDR didn’t do enough.  Anathema to the right:  FDR subverted American freedom. 

 

Maybe it is more useful not to judge or label, but to try to understand the constraints and limits of the Conservativism and Individualism of the American Tradition—and remember the American people determined much of what Roosevelt could do. He realized he could only lead where the American people were willing to go.  He said once that “It’s a terrible thing to look over your shoulder when you are trying to lead—to find no one there.”   And the political realities imposed constraints.  Remember that the Democratic coalition depended on Southern votes, and the South was a bastion of political conservatism.

 

Pragmatic or Opportunist:  Asked whether he was a communist, socialist or capitalist in his philosophy, FDR :  “Philosophy?  I am a Christian and a Democrat—that’s all.”    The point is that he was not an economist or political philosopher, he was a practicing politician….always trying to find the center ground, and find a consensus even if it was constructed out of contradictory ideological components, thus neither an advocate for major structural changes, nor willing to wait passively for the system to unravel…Roosevelt was a genuine American patrician—neither a businessman or a working man, but in many ways an embodiment of the social gospel of public service.

 

Who comes up?   There were streams of complaints that local administrators of New Deal programs “persisted in discriminating against” African Americans.  However, historian Harvard Sitkoff argues that because Black Americans had been denied any of the prosperity of the 20s (remember the resurgence of the KKK),   relief of any sort “meant more to Blacks than whites.  While inequities persisted—we’ll see A. Phillip Randolph (SLIDE, H132) threaten Roosevelt with a march on Washington to get support for  fair employment practices at the beginning of) –nonetheless,  New Deal economic programs were “explicit as never before” about the federal government’s recognition of and responsibility for Afro-Americans.  But segregation including public facilities remained an issue for the future.

 

Women in a break-even. There was more visibility of women with power with the First Lady, Fances Perkins, and public figures like Amelia Earhart. Women were disadvantaged by wage differentials in NIRA, excluded coverage under SSA and Fair Labor Standards.  However, t he NLRB opened up unions for women and offered invaluable protections. In contrast to men, many women saw their status rise during the Depression. To supplement the family income, married women entered the work force in large numbers. Although most women worked in menial occupations, the fact that they were employed and bringing home paychecks elevated their position within the family and gave them a say in family decisions.

 

The Rich mostly stay rich, but for a change workers strengthened their position—in WWII we find the most even income distribution of the century and this was accomplished by the gains workers had fought for in the 1930s     

 

THE ENVIRONMENT even benefited a bit.   The NEW Deal did engage in an amazing program for soil conservation (SLIDE conservation workers, n109), planting 200 million trees to break the winds and hold the soil in a treebelt from South Dakota all the way to the Panhandle.

 

How much change ?

 

First, the New Deal programs exhibit a surprising thread of continuity with the progressive impulses for reform and the desires to bring rational organization and scientific management to the nation’s economic affairs.

 

Nonetheless, The New Deal fundamentally altered how we understand the economy-—the old conception of an economy that was ruled by Adam Smith’s Invisible Hand was shattered like Humpty Dumpty.  As FDR said, “We must lay hold of the fact that economic laws are not made by nature, they are made by human beings  and if they’re not working well, they can be modified….The question then as now is how much, in what ways….The New Deal began a new mode of thinking and questioning the system, how it works, to whose advantage, at whose expense?   Central to this new mode of thinking is the shift in our understanding of our rights—what were once privileges became seen as rights—the right to a fair wage, the right to work, the right to organize for our own benefits, the right to be heard…

 

In that process the New Deal introduced mechanisms of negotiation that some have labeled the “Broker State”—in which the government mediated between many particular interest groups—this is the pluralism that characterizes our modern liberalism—certainly the New Deal provided the opportunity for many new voices to be heard in the halls of government: including labor, African Americans, and women.

 

Roosevelt expanded the office of the presidency—he created Executive Office (home of the CIA, NSC).   And By 1941, the federal government too had expanded tremendously, it was now an institution implicated directly in nearly everyone’s daily lives in ways not imagined in 1932.

 

In conclusion, neither FDR nor the great mainstream of America sought to overturn the American ideal of a free market system, but they sought to make it more equitable.  The New Deal was not a revolution, it did not displace the capitalist system, but it did change the way Americans live by committing the government to defending the rights of citizens in a pluralistic society.  But it was limited--we’ve seen how many of the most vulnerable of our citizens were not included, and how many reforms only went part way, but it was a significant beginning and a dramatic new direction for the role of American government.  Much of the New Deal legacy is with us still.  For just a few examples: we have social security and unemployment, we can be sure our bank will be open when we go to get our money, we can choose to organize as workers, if your family farms you probably know about dealing with the federal programs. The point is that we have expectations of government’s responsibilities that people of the 1920s could hardly imagine.  In the crucible of the 1930s, many Americans no longer believed the problems could be solved by people acting alone or through voluntary associations. Increasingly, they looked to the federal government for help. The results shaped our world.

And for that we can credit all Americans who lived through the Depression years, those who pushed for change as well as those who kept a balance with cautious restraint.  They all deserve our remembrance.